The socio-anthropological and cultural phenomenon of the Camorra has a
fundamental importance in the explanation of its origin and its stabilization in
social and cultural fabric of Campania.
From a structural point of view and organizational, moreover, the Camorra is also more
difficult to define. With the term Camorra mean, in fact, above the set of
clans and gangs, united by the specificity of the actions and the ordinary criminal context in which
operate, rather than by organizational arrangements to operate, which of course also
exist. Camorra is, therefore, a conventional name with which you can specify a
unique, but a set of "symbolic" made of small subsets real.
So much so that, not surprisingly, some have considered more appropriate term "system" with
which, for many years, the same camorristi define the organizations to which they belong.
Although the origin of the word "Camorra" there is no agreement among scholars, it is incumbent
emphasize that this word originally stood for an activity, a behavior before
yet to designate the famous criminal organization. Designated, in fact, the type of activity carried underworld
by the latter, or extortion, "take the Camorra" means to extort a gain or threatening
exerting violence, to the point that the terms "Camorra" and "extortion" have become synonyms in time
(Sales I., the La Camorra Camorra, Roma, Editori Riuniti, 1988, p. 29). On this point it is appropriate, however, a preliminary distinction between the Camorra and the clan
of the camorra and, in general, the criminal organization of Caserta.
The Camorra, in fact, has grown in the Naples area and is comprised of families
autonomous team up and fight depending on the time.
To find one undisputed head of the family, should we go back to 1860
when the Camorra was organized with the help of Liborio Romano, under orders from Salvatore De
Crescenzo (said Tore 'and Criscienzo) or, again, to the attempt made by Raffaele Cutolo of
create the "NCO".
The clan of the camorra, however, has begun to organize their own thanks to the unit
of Italy, and only in recent decades has come out, all over the Caserta, organized as
a real Mafia independent, with a structure, hierarchical pyramid, also called
dome, as is 'our thing'.
And the differences do not stop there, for example, just think of the different role of
Women in the Neapolitan Camorra, which are often at the top and the "Casertana", where
also play an important role, but working "behind the scenes".
However, as anticipated, I do not want to deepen the internal organizational aspects of the
"System", because I think most insidious relationship between the Camorra or better "Camorra" and
society.
In September 1982, the proposal of the late Mr La Torre, becomes law and
Penal Code Article 416bis is introduced to a new type of offense:
the conspiracy of the Mafia and the Camorra.
For the first time the Camorra is officially recognized as an organization
dangerous criminal, such as the Mafia and the 'Ndrangheta. For the first time, the Commission
Parliamentary Anti-Mafia, twenty years after its establishment, will dedicate a specific investigation
organized crime in Campania.
In 1982, the Camorra receives, therefore, an official recognition, but, as
we have said, behind him there is a long history that, at times, is intertwined with that
tormented that led to the unification of Italy, and highlights how the Camorra has been inserted into the
Neapolitan society, as witnessed since the days of "Inquiry Saredo."
Appointed by decree of 8 November 1900 by the government Saracco, this "Director
Administrative Commission of Inquiry "went to investigate the conditions in which
administrative activities in local authorities and charitable organizations in Naples, working for ten months,
gathering evidence on the misrule of the city of Naples and founding numerous
parochial controversy.
The presence of the criminal organization bell is confirmed and the absence of
institutional interventions against it is denounced loudly.
The Camorra was born, in early 800, in the city of Naples. In a police file, was in fact
found documentation of a process dating back to 1819, which took place before the court of the Camorra, the so-called "Big Mama."
"From an anthropological point of view a clan is a group of people united by kinship, defined
descent from a common ancestor. The term is often used with a clan improper, they speak
sometimes clan referring to informal networks within the economic and political spheres, and other times, however, the term clan refers to criminal organizations as with the Camorra. This usage reflects the assumption that the their members have towards the other members particularly close relations and mutual support, the next solidarity between relatives' (G. Palermo, 2008).
On the other hand in the Mafia "relationship", both real blood ties both those ties of convenience as
that between godfather and godson, is the basis of the criminal organization.
It reads: "The most serious was wrong to have done exaggerate the Camorra,
leaving infiltrate in all layers of public life and the whole social structure,
instead of destroying it, as they should recommend the free institutions, or at least of
keep it confined, whence he came, that is, in the lowest social ladder. "
The most interesting part of the report, for the purposes of our discussion, we read: "In
correspond to the low Camorra original exerted on the poor populace in times of
abjection and servitude, with different forms of bullying you saw the rise of another Camorra,
consists of the most cunning and daring middle-class. They advantage of the laziness of their
class and the lack of it in the reaction force, largely arising from the discomfort
economic, and imposing the multitude arrogant and ignorant, they managed to draw
in the food trade and procurement, in political meetings and public
administrations, in circles, in the press. "
Pervasive, the Camorra controls the territory, has a very high ratio of integration
with the poorer strata of the population and has strong links with the politic.
The pervasiveness of a criminal organization, large and cumbersome, which lets say
to F.S. Nitti (1978): "The problem in Naples is not only economic but above all moral
and it is the moral environment that prevents any economic transformation. "
The considerations just described then impose a reflection, serious and
depth on the phenomenon Camorra, we can not dismiss as phenomenon
purely criminal, nor circumscribe with lenses worn and abused the discomfort and
marginalization, nor consider something outside the civil society,
espungendolo to fight, with the metaphor of "cancer to be eradicated."
Amato Lamberti (1993) observed, "organized crime, for the size
assumed, for the extension of the control exercised over economic activities, the potential for
delegitimization of institutions, it is inserted into the social fabric so as to make
very difficult to identify its presence.
This process of invasion - that was able to occupy all areas of the
Social increasingly exploiting the gaps that offered less resistance - to take such
size, had to make use of more than one facility. "
The Camorra continues to express itself in the territory through the classic
criminal events and at the same time you need more and more of the consent for
control and manage not only the territory, but also the economy.
The feeling is that before the failure of the "social contract"
according to which the state, in exchange for obedience and collaboration, offers the individual
protection and a perspective of social mobility; that because of the betrayal of that covenant by
part of the state, disorder and insecurity derivatane, the people of Campania (such as those
Sicilian reasons and with different shades) have a settled and introjected
pernicious "culture of Camorra", made up of dysfunctional patterns, transmitted from generation to
generation, which have proved consolidated and "winners".
Every citizen, in fact, called to define the relationship with institutional authority,
express confidence and will indicate the space that is willing to grant to the State that,
the latter, interpreting his needs, needs and demands, medium and defining the terms
their relationships with others.
This association is attested by the high number of requests for authorization to proceed against
parliamentarians from Campania. Moreover, the Camorra has been called several times in the field of politics, from the outset:
the same Bourbons used it against the Liberals, at first, and then they were the last to use it
against the Bourbons. It 'was often used to influence election results. The orientation towards institutional authority, therefore, is strongly influenced
from the experiences that each individual has had and still has with institutions, so if the authority is
primarily as a source of prejudice and discrimination, the report will establish with
it will be of detachment, suspicion and mistrust.
The Camorra, as has been said, it certainly does not have as strong
revolutionary and anti-system against the rule of law.
Although lives of lawlessness and oppression, do not try to impose a radical
change in the political order, in order to achieve an ideal "supposed" freedom of collective
or individual.
The Camorra, thus, does not arise in conflict with the state, as evidenced by the
Camorra gangs who rarely have raised the bar, and political assassinations are always
occurred in borderline cases and the Strait locally, without conflict with the state.
The Camorra has been a set of certainties, rules, functional stability
to those who were in need of strengthening their identity and sense of belonging.
The Camorra lives in poverty, living on the territory, and he creates a sense of belonging,
understands the needs and the needs of its cittadini9
. The Camorra gives a job or a grant of
Membership allows you to have growth expectations and ambitions.
On the other hand, a particular explanation of the Camorra, which toghether
lexically three criminal organizations in southern Italy (the Camorra, the mafia and the
'Ndrangheta), traces their names to the terminology pre-Roman pastoral approach to culture,
emphasizes precisely "the original protective order and criminal these 'brotherhoods'
secret "(F. Barbagallo, 2010).
The Camorra filters and manages the needs and demands of citizens' rich industrialist,
who wants to make their way in the political or administrative, to the small trader,
that should require a reduction of the tax; from the businessman who aspires to a
concession worker you are looking for the place in a workshop; by the professional desirous of
customers of an institution or a body of moral, to the one who solicits a small job, since
provincial who comes to Naples to shop, what should emigrate to America;
are all the nominees before them .... "(Barbagallo, 1999).
It 's the dimension of values and symbolic pattern of cultures, of collusion, but also
of checks, reassuring certainties, of resistance to change that feeling Camorra
brings with it, and that makes up for the Camorra a network of relational constraints on which
establish their identity and their sense of belonging.
Amato Lamberti (2007) observes: "we all become" Camorra ", ready to
advantage of all the opportunities to make a career and money, to occupy positions of power and
decision to come to terms with the powers criminals who hide behind positions
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