Forms of global imperialism.

With contemporary globalization
is taking shape a kind of imperialism that is
fundamentally different from that became established in the nineteenth and
in the twentieth century.
The most important is the fact that large firms
capitalist, becoming multinationals, have broken the shell
space within which they moved, and they used
in the era of the great colonial empires. Today the capital accumulates
in a market that is worldwide. Therefore it has an overwhelming interest
slaughter of each barrier, each of hesitation, of
any political pressure that states can put its
movements. While in the past the monopoly capital of each
nation took advantage of the national thrust imperialist expansion,
because you saw a way to extend their
market, today the boundaries of national empires are seen as
of obstacles to trade and accumulation. E
while in the past monopoly capital had any interest which increase
protectionist barriers and implementation of policies
mercantilist, as there could see a way to defend
competition from firms in other nations, today the capital
multinational vote for free trade and globalization
financial reporting. The new form taken by capitalist domination on
world call it "global imperialism."
A second novelty is that the empire of multinational
changes the nature of the relationship between state and capital. He's coming
unless the symbiotic relationship based on the convergence of interest
state to the construction of political power and interest
the creation of a market capitalist imperial protected.
Today, the great capital stands above the nation-state,
against which tends to assume a relationship
instrumental and conflict at a time. Instrumental, as
trying to bend it to their own interests, whether in an action of
lobby with both the discipline of "markets". Conflict, as
the dislocation of his interests on a world space generates
in the economies of nations, especially those in capitalism
advanced, the economic difficulties that undermines the
function of "collective capitalist national" taken in the past
by the states.
That function, in the imperial regimes nineteenth and twentieth century, it was
necessary to give support to the policies of the nation made
the service of capital. And it was made ​​possible by the influx of
surplus coming from the colonies. The state worked to distribute
part of the surplus between the various social classes, so
create a social bloc capable of shaking the interests of the
community around those of capital. That form of imperialism
generated in the metropolis consisting of aristocracies
workers and made ​​possible the formation of reformist parties that
were intended to serve the immediate interests of the proletariat and reconciles
with those of the nation.
Today, that function has failed, because the free movement
of capital goods and work in order to place workers
South of the world in competition with those of the North. the
Globalization leads to a redistribution of income from
wages to profits that generates a growing inequality in all
countries of the world. Consequently, the capacity-building policy
social peace within has failed in every nation,
and there are more opportunities for a tightening of the
class conflict. In terms of social policy, the state is
especially given the role of "social gendarme" must
ensure the conditions legislative, judicial and police to
disciplinary work and make it available to exploitation
growing. The disappearance of labor aristocracies and the resulting
reorientation of labor market policies in the sense repressive
is the third innovation brought about by contemporary globalization.
A fourth change concerns the way in which it is exercised, the government
site. Global imperialism the use of force
military to subdue and govern the Suburbs by the
Capitalist center is certainly not failed, but it is moving in
overshadowed by disciplinary mechanisms operating through
the more "natural" markets. The global empire did not
need of an emperor; nevertheless his imperium is becoming
more effective than ever. It is the effectiveness ensured by mechanisms
objective against which the people seem to disar9
mati. The thousands and thousands of heads who run multinational corporations,
even if they operate in competition with each other,
contribute uniquely to give strength to those mechanisms because
compete all in pursuit of the same goal: the accumulation
of capital.
The global imperialism of multinationals, strong ideology
neoliberal, tends to establish in the world that has been
defined the stateless utopia of global governance. The role of
states is reconsidered. In a perfect world should become
the "state minimum" charge mainly to function
internal "social gendarme", since the workers insist
everywhere not to behave as a simple sellers
goods. Of all the rest, that is, the social balance on a global scale,
would deal with the markets.
Except that, for the proper functioning of global empire are
You need three functions that require central governance
the action of some large states on the international scene. the first
of these functions is to Sheriff global, and must be paid
by a military power capable of disciplining recalcitrant countries
to globalization and to open their markets to penetration
of multinational capital. The second is that of banker
global, and used to produce the money that acts
as the main instrument of payment and the international reserve.
The third is the engine of development: it is made ​​necessary by
that the accumulation of capital in emerging markets and in
the developing world is driven by exports, which assumes
the existence of at least one major advanced economy to grow
expanding its imports. We will see that in the performance
of the three functions has emerged in the last few decades
contrast between the great powers. And this is the fifth new.
In order to fulfill the three functions is necessary to bend the action
policy of the great powers to serve a traditional interest
collective of multinational capital rather than that of
national bourgeoisie, not to mention that of citizens. Thus, for
Strictly speaking, we should speak, rather than a stateless, of
a sovereignless global governance. To the extent that states
are an expression of the will of the citizens, they are bent
markets to render meaningless the democracy and transform
institutions involved in public decisions in simple devices
of consensus and suppression of dissent.
The global imperialism tends to kill democracy, according to
a mode that has been well expressed by the metaphor happy
an exponent of multinational capitalism: "the market is sovereign."
This is the sixth new.
A seventh Finally, as regards the role played by economic crisis
to mess up and recombine the international political stability
and social relations within each nation. The crisis of
globalization on the one hand appear as moments of
explosion of capitalist contradictions, on the other hand, however,
take on the meaning of an acceleration of the processes of disciplining
that the "markets" subject states, peoples and
the lower classes.
A pervasive ideology that has failed
to confuse even a large part of critical thinking.
It is the ideology built on a vision of globalization
as a panacea for all economic ills of the world, a process
that would foster the development and would increase the well-being,
reducing poverty and inequality in all countries that open
to international trade. The reality behind the mask is imperialism. It's about understanding
which took shape in the contemporary world, a company
for which, however, the analytical tools of the theory of imperialism
twentieth century have proved only partially useful.
The crisis is a phenomenon intrinsic to the accumulation
capitalist, is also one of the most effective disciplinary mechanisms.
The current crisis is a phenomenon
affirmation of the dominance of the capital markets and its
policy and its artifice. The real causes of the Great Depression
are to be found in the effects of globalization on
Income distribution in advanced countries. The long-term trend
share of wages to decline produced depressant effects
on their economies. The governments of some countries with big ambitions
old-imperial, especially the United States and Germany,
have adopted the policy schemes aimed at
counteract those effects or exploit politically. For a little '
time have been successful. In the United States have managed to
tow a sustained GDP growth of a speculative bubble.
In Germany they were able to use the single currency to build
a German mercantilist empire in Europe and to compete
to the dollar. But in the end "markets" have thwarted those artifices
triggering the crisis.
Interstate rivalries,
show that they can not be interpreted as
irreconcilable inter-imperialist contradictions. rather they are
produced by the geopolitical ambitions of the ruling classes of
great powers. Those ambitions have proved only partially
useful to the functioning of contemporary capitalism. for
Mostly, however, have produced disorder and instability. The crisis is the culmination of a period of transition
from old forms of global imperialism.
As the economic chaos of the inter-war period, the current
Depression is marked by the turmoil of the system of relations
international. And as the crisis that began in 1929, that broke
in 2007 brought to light the need for a reform of the
the system. is it possible
that the current crisis will help to speed up the process and
to expose those who will emerge as the contradictions
fundamentals of global imperialism. It is not
of inter-imperial rivalry, which also will continue to exist
although as consequences of nationalist policies of the former
great powers, but the opposition of class between workers and capital
and between central and peripheral empire. With globalization
the two contradictions tend to merge and take on the form
of an antagonism incurable, more extended and more and more
sour, between multinational capital and the proletariat of the whole world.