Violence and the exploitation of agrarian relations

The realities of migration of rural Calabria
By virtue of the relevant condition of stay and residence times, migrants carry different dynamics of mobility at the local level, where they can be identified: a) a transit migration, before a subsequent transfer in the regions of the center-north of the country or to 'foreign; b) a return migration from the northern regions; c) a transhumant migration through different regions of the South, in relation to agricultural seasons and therefore employment opportunities in the operations of the collection; d) a circular migration to and from the country of origin; e) a migration of settlement, more or less stable.
In the countryside of southern Italy, such as those in Calabria, can be identified different types of migrants employed in agricultural work: a) irregular migrants, they entered without a permit or with expired residence permit; b) asylum seekers awaiting hearing before the Local Commissions or denied or who have been granted any form of international protection, but also c) refugees and migrants in precarious conditions, for example because they are expelled from the factories of the North in crisis (CIES 2010), d) seasonal migrants with work permits or temporary, or even permanent staff.
The territory of Calabria offers a glimpse of this "anarchy of migration." The presence of migrants is revolutionizing the organization of social relations and productive, affecting the distribution of wealth and the same forms of recruitment of labor, a time arranged between inner marginal areas and rich areas of the plains, and entrusted to organizations that are illegal hiring are "modernized" in time or you are also being incorporated in the renovated migration networks. In Calabria, living conditions, social and work for foreigners employed in agriculture is particularly difficult in lowland areas, by virtue of the fact that the season of citrus harvesting, which sees an exponential growth in the number of admissions, coincides with the winter months. The problems are related to the dramatic living conditions, lack of access to care, the situation and the difficult working conditions of women (MSF 2005, 2007; Various Authors 2008).
In January 2010, the Africans of Rosario turned against a racist system Local divided into several components: the political-institutional selective differentiation, the mafia violence, socio-cultural exploitation and exclusion. The political and institutional racism, writing in modern societies is the result of migration policies, security and asylum, creating control devices and access stigmatizing. Racism mafia is produced within an organization of power - that of the 'Ndrangheta - pursuing hegemony and the social regulation of the market, through the exercise of violence. Racism is based on socio-cultural difference produced, is what marginalizes the legitimate borders in the ghettos and the super-exploitation-induced market policies (Corrado 2011). The Plains of Gioioa Tauro has been a place of settlement more or less temporary for many migrants, asylum seekers and refugees, due to the lack of controls (especially before the uprising), as well as employment opportunities in agriculture. The vulnerability of these subjects here comes from a backward agricultural system, dependent on the processing industry and external market, in a context of social relations extremely disorganized and atomized, the more aggressive criminal violence. In the context of these relationships, exacerbated by falling prices and citrus from the process of replacing workers with those neo-African Community, the revolt erupted (Cicerchia, Paciola 2010).
The situation appears different from another basin of agricultural production of plain and seasonal work, that of the Plain of Sybaris, where also pour thousands of migrants during the winter months of the campaigns Olive oil and citrus. Here, the violence and the exploitation of agrarian relations is obscured by a greater economic dynamism, higher investment in innovation and quality, modernity production systems, a system of formal and informal cooperation, at the base of connections and intra-extra-territorial, which involved the same migration, through forms of circular mobility. Trade associations of farmers have estimated the number of migrants in the whole territory in the winter months in about 12,000 units, considering the amount of labor required for a citrus marketing media. This is almost twice the number of the total number of foreigners residing in different areas of the Plains. The vastness of the area and the availability of housing, along the coast in summer houses vacant (as in the case of the village of Marina di Schiavonea of Corigliano Calabro) or in the historical centers (as in the case of the Ionian Cassano and also of Corigliano Calabro) reduce the concentration and social tension, unlike in the case of Rosario, where migrants, mostly sub-Saharan Africans, in the period before the mass uprising had occupied some abandoned buildings on the outskirts of the city (the former Opera Sila, the Rognetta and the paper mill). Migrants are therefore also recipients of a housing market in black.
In light of the problems described above, the role of political and social intermediation is essential. This is demonstrated by the experience of hospitality in the town of Riace promoted initially by the draft National Protection Asylum and then through the Richedenti Protection System for Asylum and Refugees (SPRAR), integrated reception sponsored by the Ministry of Interior and local institutions offering housing solutions and support in the process of integration into the national territory. This experience, which began in the aftermath of the landings of Kurdish refugees on the Ionian coast in 1998, inspired the Regional Law 18 of June 12, 2009, issued by the Calabria Region [link] which, although it has not yet been implemented, with the aim to combine development and migration by supporting projects 'wishing to undertake the redevelopment and revitalization of socio-economic and cultural related reception of asylum seekers, refugees and holders of subsidiary protection or humanitarian' (Article 1 ).
Possibility of positive life experiences for immigrants and asylum seekers, there may be just in the rural areas when they are no longer perceived as "ethnic parties" or "outsiders" (Williams 2007). A Drosi, a hamlet of 300 inhabitants of the town of Rizziconi, in the Plain of Gioia Tauro, thanks to the local diocese about fifty young people from sub-Saharan Africa have found the availability of rental housing and job opportunities throughout the year.
The Municipality of the Ionian Cassano, however, to cope with the problems of homelessness, has promoted both a brokerage service population - including through the involvement of migrants in the business of "self-recovery" of the property - is a welcome temporary at a property granted by the local diocese, Casa La Rocca. The structure - which is funded by the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy through the Fund for the social inclusion of immigrants - is designed to accommodate foreign workers in need of an accommodation for a period up to 6 months. They can make the service request migrants or farms where they work. The project, although interesting, is disconnected from the realities of living and working illegally, and despite the official involvement of Coldiretti, has little interest in the farms in the area.