Organized crime to Neaples

The Camorra is one of the oldest forms of crime whose origins can be found in Naples capital in the modern age, in that part of history contained within the viceregni of Spain and Austria and Bourbon kingdom. Nevertheless, the Camorra was not born in the city but among the populace of the campaigns, including those poor people who, to escape the taxes and hunger in the provinces, from '500 had begun to pour in Naples. So disinherited masses coalizzatisi began to oppose each other in a weak state structure. Hence arose the first Camorra, criminals united by initiation rites, constraints, rules of its own, and even the courts to form the so-called aristocracy of the populace who liked DEEMED criminal elite.
The appearance of the Camorra was born in the defense and representation of marginalized classes, soon began to change connotations, becoming synonymous with extortion and bribe all kinds of activities, legal and illegal. Unlike the Sicilian Cosa Nostra, mainly characterized by submersion, the Camorra bell has always been a phenomenon of "noisy" and known to all, so much so that already in ancient prints are representations of the Camorra that supports the tax collector (a dual presence at 'normal time) at toll of duty for entry into the Bourbon capital. So things were going, at least until 1911, the year in which the process Cuocolo ended the nineteenth-century history of the Camorra. In the fifty years after the fact, the Camorra sank - perhaps due to the lack of investigations - leaving room for other criminal activities, however, equally widespread until after World War II, appeared the figure of guappo, already known in the Neapolitan organized crime, in a sense, took the place of the classic Camorra. The figure of guappo exhibitionist, a native of bourgeois or gentrified, already present in the campaigns of the early twentieth century, was the expression of a strong individualism. The thugs, not belonging to any association underworld is proposed, including the Terra di Lavoro (the area of ​​Caserta, as he had called Pliny) and the Agro Nocerino sarnese, as intermediaries between the farmers and the market in the trade of agricultural products . Their business took a turn when relevant, in the '50s, in the capital began to perform the same functions of the Commodity exchanges, fixing the prices of fruit and vegetables purchased from the farmers for sowing, were then sold to industries or placed on the Italian markets and Europeans. However, in the twenty years '60-'70, the phenomenon of criminality seems to have been completely forgotten by the various parliamentary commissions of inquiry on the Mafia in those years that followed one another in spite of the fact that, in the early '60s, became the center of Naples contraband tobacco following the closure of the free port of Tangier and the displacement of the caches on the coast of tobacco Yugoslav and Albanian that followed. Moreover, in the '70s, the judiciary decided to send many mafia bosses in house arrest in Naples, helping to overcome the incompatibility of attitudes between the mafia and the Camorra. In addition, the interest of the Cosa Nostra to the contraband tobacco meant that some capicamorra active in this area, such as Zaza and Speech, were affiliated with the Sicilian Mafia. And it was on tobacco smuggling in the 70s, in Campania, developed the most important criminal organizations that attention then shifted to the international drug trafficking.
The bell crime associated with Cosa Nostra mafia began to adopt the model precisely at a time when others were raising a new Camorra clan, as a form of identification and aggregation in a conflict of interest. Hence arose the war between the Camorra organization of Raffaele Cutolo, the Nuova Camorra organized (NCO) and the association in the New Family (Nf) of the other major clans. The earthquake in 1980 - right in the middle of this war - hit the Neapolitan had the effect of strengthening due to public contracts for reconstruction, business and affairs in which the major clans were involved in the struggle for dominance. So, just in a period in which they were redefining the forms of politics and its relationship with the economy and society, the Camorra was able to win the market, demonstrating his uncanny ability to be at the center of the plot of influencing relationships, in particular, the policy decisions, as well as social and economic issues, like the Cosa Nostra. In 1982, the Camorra was officially recognized as a dangerous criminal organization, like the Sicilian Mafia and the 'Ndrangheta and was also taken into account by the law Kidneys-La Torre who introduced the 416 bis of the Penal Code, the article on the associations criminal mafia or Camorra. In addition, in the same year it was established that the Parliamentary Anti-Mafia who took charge of carrying out the first specific investigation on the Camorra bell. And, a decade later, he disappeared the political system that had allowed and, in some ways, favored the expansion of organized crime, while within the judiciary grew commitment to prosecute the Mafia and Camorra. In addition, the legislation of rewards and frequent initiatives on the part of the state apparatus meant that many major criminals began to collaborate with the justice system. So, thanks to in-depth investigations and collaborations we have managed to contain the spread of organized crime whose tendency is to assume, at world level, the control of traffic and business, legal and illegal. By the way, how many times it has been said, in contemporary societies assumes the role of organized crime, unfortunately, more and more importance, while the transparency of power, that is the essence of democracy, today seems to be overwhelmed by more and more forms of decision obscure.
Since the early 70s the boss Raffaele Cutolo of Octavianus (Octavian the name of the ancient castle that once belonged to the Medici, and which now belongs to Cutolo) assumed an important role in constituting delinquency bell from Poggioreale prison and asylum judicial Sant'Eframo, a new form of criminal association, the New Organized Camorra, who continued the rituals of the old Camorra.
The Nco soon found many affiliates, due to the possibility of providing financial assistance to his followers and their families. Cutolo formed over a period of a single decade, the organization with the support of some leaders of the 'Ndrangheta in Calabria, including the brothers Di Stefano Egidio Muraca and Francesco Cangemi. When, on 5 February '78, Cutolo escaped from the asylum of Aversa judiciary - was now in command of an important clan - with the help of Alfonso Rosanova (mind the economic and Nco Cyril depositary of the deal), he created a ' wide campaign of proselytism comprising the area Stabia, the Agro Nocerino and Salerno, then divided the territory of Campania among the various capizona constituting, with Enzo Casillo, Corrado Iacolare, Pasquale Barra and Antonino Cuomo strategic direction. During the period of his incarceration Raffaele Cutolo was marginalized by the agreements between the Mafia and the Camorra, but it was then that his charisma head grew stronger, thanks to the ferocity and his thirst for power, united by a kind of idealism. Cutolo sought affirmation of a strong identity structure as well as reviving the initiation rites and the hierarchical organization of the Camorra nineteenth century. With the supremacy of Cutolo the fulcrum of power was no longer Naples Camorra, then controlled by clan enemies, but was moved to the province, between the castle of Octavian and the cities and towns of Campania, where he created an intense campaign of proselytism, started in prisons, however, that at the time of the detention of Cutolo turned into recruitment centers criminal. The boss pointed to modify the horizontal structure of the Camorra and to replace its long-standing dominance of the alliance between smugglers and the Neapolitan Camorra and the Sicilian Mafia. As a result, putting in strong contrast against the Cosa Nostra and its allies, Cutolo went so far as to impose on a tangent most powerful clans on each box of contraband cigarettes landed in Naples, a fact that aroused the ire of the Savior who threatened Zaza to start a war. In the meantime, however, Raffaele Cutolo was consolidating its relations with the 'Ndrangheta and, in the period of inaction in Milan, squeezed them even with the boss Francis Turatello and Renato Vallanzasca. Even the American Cosa Nostra, by Charles Gambino, began to show him some consideration. In addition, the NCO began to expand in Puglia due to the transfer of many cutoliani in the prisons of this region, but also because local criminals seeking protection in the bell and the Camorra Mafia bosses' Ndrangheta, among them an excellent relationship. At the end of the 70s Cutolo was at the head of a criminal organization that had more or less seven affiliates. The draft predominance of Cutolo facilitated the creation of an opposing faction which, at first, assumed the name of New Brotherhood and was founded on the initiative of the Julian clan and Vollaro. In the early '80s was formed which joined the New Family, in addition to the aforementioned clan, even bubble, Bardellino, Ammann, Zaza and Alfieri, and in the mid-80s, Cosa Nostra tried in vain to eliminate Cutolo. The war that broke out against the boss of Octavian face anticutoliano - lasted more than five years, and that caused a thousand deaths - precipitated the crisis in the tobacco trade, already hit by a strong appreciation of the dollar and facilitated the movement of the interest on the more profitable drug trafficking. To contribute to the strengthening of the Camorra clan, especially members of the band Cutolo, was the aforementioned earthquake of 1980, for which he developed the so-called system of "politics and economics of disaster" that did nothing but increase the development of enterprises Camorra through contracts for debris removal and installation of prefabricated structures. And the occurrence of this cataclysm began a decade of big business with the realization of initiatives that joined public and private contracting and subcontracting of work on the reconstruction postsismica both North and South as well as criminal, subversive groups, government authorities and laws, secret services, as well as the P2 lodge. Moreover, thanks to the mediation of piduista Francesco Pazienza, the NCO was granted the assignment of most of the contracts for the reconstruction. In that same year, also, the control exercised by prison Cutolo, would allow him to fulfill the request of the Secretary and the Chief of the Political Secretariat of the Christian Democrats, Mr Flaminio Piccoli and Antonio Gava, to deal with the release of Br Ciro Cirillo, regional councilor and chairman of the reconstruction in Campania. Thanks to this operation Br and Nco would be divided three billion. In 1981, Cutolo reached the peak of its power, also because of "these exchange relationships with the major ruling party and with the secret services" (the former deputy Raffaele Russo stated that there is no doubt that the << 'entire party was activated to facilitate the release of Cyril >>). In that same year, despite the infighting in Cosa Nostra, Totò Riina and Leoluca Bagarella went at the farm of Speech, Poggio Vallesana - where he had already held a meeting in which they took part representatives of the Cosa Nostra and Michele Zaza and Savior to decide on the discharge of four ships in the Tyrrhenian Sea smuggler (tobacco) - to urge a compromise in the war between NCO and Nf. The meeting was attended by about one hundred Mafia and the Camorra of Campania major clans fighting each other. Among them, Speech Lorenzo wanted to reach a compromise, because it was said to be << spokesman >> Gava and other politicians, who would not want to break the links with cutoliani who had effected the release of Cyril. At least this is what was stated by Pasquale Galasso during an interrogation in '94. Bardellino, deputy of Speech, it was rather the opposite opinion because of the massacre that Cutolo had ordered in Poggioreale prison on the day of the earthquake.
In January '82 Cutolo, dissatisfied for missed breaks judicial waiting for himself and his organization - even though he was in prison-hotel Ascoli - thought he could blackmail the politicians to whom he had to leave Cyril. Due to the repeated intervention of President Pertini, who managed to prevail on referrals Keeper Darida, in April of the same year he was transferred to the isolation Cutolo dell. The day before the transfer Rosanova Alfonso was killed while he was at the hospital in Salerno. The boss of its Ottaviano and felt betrayed by those same politicians with whom they had dealt with the release of Cyril. Cutolo claimed that Alfonso << Rosanova was, at that time, the true arbiter of the situation kept under control the politicians involved in the affair and Cyril had evidence of their involvement ... I repeat that my transfer, and the murder of Alfonso Rosanova the murder of Enzo Casillo, which occurred a few months later, they have been part of a single strategy which I attribute more to Scotti Gava (though certainly not foreign) direct to destroy me for becoming too strong and dangerous ... >>. And the death of Casillo, in early '83, marked the defeat of the Camorra Cutolo, although the maxi-raid by the police in 1983-84 represented the final disruption of the Nuova Camorra organized. They were the ones that ended abruptly Alfieri - the only person believed to be able to deal effectively with Cutolo - called political cover, secured to the NCO from political power Doroteo which, in Campania, Antonio Gava was the greatest exponent. While other politicians, according to statements by Alfieri, would protect Cutolo, because of the strong military control of the territory from these exercised and the resulting electoral support that in this way she could get. Once you start << defeat of Cutolo - explained Alfieri - automatically our organization (and its allies) >> inherited those same political cover. Alfieri joined the organization would, among other things, building contractors already linked to NCO, administrators and local politicians as well, of course, to the same clan of the Camorra mafia-like Fabbroncino, D'Avino and Russian, previously linked to Zaza. Carmine Alfieri remembered, too, that << the central moment of our success in the region was the covenant made with Antonio Bardellino when these, in 1982, he began to distance himself from Lorenzo >> Speech. At the time, Bardellino, Alfieri and Galasso were now convinced that the bubble did a double game in the war against the NCO and the contrast between Alfieri and contacts Corleone in danger of becoming far more bloody than against cutoliani. The latter, by the way, was dictated primarily by reasons of personal grudge, while the new war would be given control of the business activities and a position of privilege in respect of the policy. In that same period, however, the bubble invested huge capital acquired through various criminal activities in various industries, such as in the production of concrete, certainly one of the most prosperous during the years of reconstruction. Clearly in this field were concentrated interests of the entire Camorra, not just the bubble, before working in the field of fruit and vegetable. Among others, the clan of the Bardellino soon began to do business with that business. The Bardellino formed numerous companies, as well as for the supply of concrete for the construction and for earthmoving machines. It should be noted that procurement important, those in excess of one hundred million, were awarded to Rome - as he told the chief economist of the clan - through negotiations between big business and politicians: the companies awarded the contract, arrived on the spot on a direct indication of the politicians made contact with the leaders of the clan Bardellino. It was also established that the subcontracted works, earth moving and deliveries were made directly by the companies Camorra. In this way, it would have been diverted from the purpose foundational mechanism of consortia, namely to restrict competition and provide common services. Indeed, it seems, these bodies were transformed into their instrument through which the Camorra monopolized the management of entire productive sectors, as well as control of the territory, thus ensuring tranquility in the yards. Indeed, the Consortium Volunteer Aggregates (Covin) was formed in the early 80s, entrepreneur-racketeer Bruno Sorrentino, in agreement with the organization of the Cutolo, so collected the bribes. Following the defeat of cutoliani, business owners of quarries were included, especially in clan Bardellino and Speech. The control of quarries in Naples for a few years was exercised by Mario Fabbroncino, Alfieri who then left the management of relations with the engineer Iannitti, president of the consortium that since the mid-80s, poured Alfieri shares between 40 and 50 million every four months. Meanwhile, the Casalesi clan was also specializing in scams to rake in considerable amounts from the Community providence provided for the fruit and vegetable markets. Thus, in the 80's, the Camorra brought to completion the attempt to progress from the periphery to the center of society bell, subtracting the institutions of legal control of the most dynamic part of the region, through the infiltration of their men inside of local authorities, in their capacity as directors of services, operating expenses or assignees of contracts. Invested, in addition, part of the proceeds of drug trafficking in the acquisition of construction companies authorized for the big jobs. Finally, the Camorra would have strengthened trade relations with the leaders of the political system, willing to do anything in exchange for money and votes. Thus, entrepreneurs, politicians and the Camorra they agreed to build in more fruitful ways for them, large and often unnecessary public works. A form of association therefore, advantageous for everyone, but certainly not for the taxpaying citizens. A web of interests, the one between large groups of buildings, enterprises Camorra, politicians, administrators and technicians, which reached its climax with the "turning point infrastructure" in the reconstruction postsismica that is, when the extraordinary procedures were extended from private homes, "the great works of all kinds, thanks to the genius legislative Mr Smith. "
In 1987, Bardellino - charismatic leader, always tied to Alfieri and Galasso - who still controlled the territory of Caserta, entrusted the military to Francesco Schiavone, known as "Sandokan" (one of the vicars of Bardellino, along with Enzo De Falco), which found its statement after four years of war Camorra in Terra di Lavoro, a kind of war of succession, which ended with the elimination of Bardellino.
In '92, following the massacres of Capaci and Via D'Amelio, the State dealt a severe blow to Cosa Nostra and the Camorra. That year he came, in fact, the arrest of Galasso and Alfieri. Moreover, these big criminals began to collaborate with the justice and the first to do so were the same Pasquale Galasso and Carmine Schiavone (mind viability of the clan), although the most important was undoubtedly regretted Carmine Alfieri, who, two years after ' arrest, he began working giving way to the disintegration of the political system hitherto in force in our country, creating disequilibrium in the same Italian organized crime. Thank you to Alfieri was the push for new collaborations, certainly favored by the law of rewards, but often also by a thirst for revenge for which they died, in addition to the Mafia, even random victims and innocent. Anyway, as far as demonstrated by the declarations of many collaborators of justice, including Pasquale Tuning Peg - once would have been a friend of Senator Joseph Santonastaso, deputies Manfredi Woods, Antonio Ventre and the Regional Dante Hat (all DC) - , the Camorra would always treated with corrupt politicians, often with leading members of the Christian Democrats ready to "encourage" the criminals for example, in exchange for election by the organization Camorra. Peg had been in contact with the same "Sandokan" (also Francesco Schiavone was arrested just a year after the capture of Mario Fabbroncino. Both were considered the most dangerous leaders after the decadence of the Alfieri clan), who had just confirmed those reports with politicians easily corruptible.
Certainly, the Camorra, like all other forms of organized crime, involving the whole nation. It is, however, in the areas of industrialized countries that have not organized in time and that, therefore, even in periods of growth and capitalist modernization have failed to revive its fortunes, that crime has become deeply rooted and difficult to identify is engaged in cycles and production sectors replacing the forms of law and civilization. It should be noted that the areas where it has consolidated in recent decades, the most aggressive of the Camorra are the same in which they had structured a strong industrial base and a large settlement worker, now almost completely gone and not replaced by other productive activities . So much so that, where once there were factories and workers, today there are vicious Camorra clan that offer multiple possibilities of illegal activities, very well paid. The blows inflicted by the judiciary in '93 crime bell during these years were partly absorbed and the characteristics of the economic world, the problems of our national structure, as well as state and local governments, making it difficult intervention aimed to promote the economic development office. This would provide adequate job opportunities, but, before that, to spread education and civic culture, the only boundaries that can stem a criminal phenomenon continues to expand, but which, nevertheless, retains its classic structure of the horizontal type that does not presents unified forms of leadership. As is well known, in fact, within the Camorra feuds often take precedence over agreements, especially in periods characterized by the presence of chieftains particularly adept.
The phenomenon of criminality, but this applies to all forms of crime, must be curbed. Otherwise, if you will as soon as possible to establish a serious fight against the mafia, we run the risk that the barbarity that today characterizes the criminal organizations such as the Camorra become, among the new generations of the South, widespread custom.
(Taken from the power of the Camorra Francesco Barbagallo)





The crime is organized,
 but not the State

The intervention of the prosecutor of Naples Agostino Cordova
on the question of justice

In Italy there are two states: the "official" and the mafia. Both, says the chief prosecutor of Naples Agostino Cordova, have their own regulations and its administrative organs, judicial and executive. It is crucial that these systems be ensured compliance with the laws, even compulsively. However, while the state official, because of irresolvable crisis of justice, fails to ensure compliance with its precepts, the mafia succeeds very well. The Mafia, in fact, has certain laws and immovable and judgments are immediate and irrevocable. As a result, it is the mafia state to determine the economic, financial, commercial, and industrial and hold control of the territory. In these respects, therefore, the mafia should be taken as a model, since the efficiency of the judicial system is essential in a democracy, to enforce its laws. And the crime, in this sense, is organized, the state official no. Moreover, more than half a century continued to repeat that the crisis of justice is due to the disproportion between the workload and the workforce of the judiciary and judicial staff. However, to change this situation has not done anything. The criteria "managerial" adopted so far by the central bodies have always been based on parameters that take into account the resident population, rather than criminal, and the number of cases and not by their size or the number of the accused or defendants. These are questions for which there does not seem to answer. Then there is the question of the practical implementation of the principles of "political and judicial economy." And in this regard Cordova complains that Naples has only 99 substitutes, but that if it were treated as Palermo, should have 499. This is a huge difference in treatment which, in the Naples area, paralyzed justice and recalls Cordova, according to the principle of art. 40 of the Penal Code, "does not prevent an event that you have an obligation to prevent, equivalent to causing it."